우리의 세상찾기 Part1 [자유공간]
"저는 쥐새끼를 싫어 합니다. 쥐새끼 좋아하시는 분은 공지보시고 돌아가주세요."

아마 여러 교재에 사용될 예감(?)이 드는 오바마의 인종 문제 연설 전문과 동영상.



"We the people, in order to form a more perfect union."

Two hundred and twenty one years ago, in a hall that still stands across the street, a group of men gathered and, with these simple words, launched America's improbable experiment in democracy. Farmers and scholars; statesmen and patriots who had traveled across an ocean to escape tyranny and persecution finally made real their declaration of independence at a Philadelphia convention that lasted through the spring of 1787.

The document they produced was eventually signed but ultimately unfinished. It was stained by this nation's original sin of slavery, a question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to continue for at least twenty more years, and to leave any final resolution to future generations.

Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our Constitution - a Constitution that had at is very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised its people liberty, and justice, and a union that could be and should be perfected over time.

And yet words on a parchment would not be enough to deliver slaves from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed their full rights and obligations as citizens of the United States. What would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were willing to do their part - through protests and struggle, on the streets and in the courts, through a civil war and civil disobedience and always at great risk - to narrow that gap between the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time.

This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this campaign - to continue the long march of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more prosperous America. I chose to run for the presidency at this moment in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together - unless we perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories, but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and we may not have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same direction - towards a better future for of children and our grandchildren.

This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and generosity of the American people. But it also comes from my own American story.

I am the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas. I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a Depression to serve in Patton's Army during World War II and a white grandmother who worked on a bomber assembly line at Fort Leavenworth while he was overseas. I've gone to some of the best schools in America and lived in one of the world's poorest nations. I am married to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and slaveowners - an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters. I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins, of every race and every hue, scattered across three continents, and for as long as I live, I will never forget that in no other country on Earth is my story even possible.

It's a story that hasn't made me the most conventional candidate. But it is a story that has seared into my genetic makeup the idea that this nation is more than the sum of its parts - that out of many, we are truly one.

Throughout the first year of this campaign, against all predictions to the contrary, we saw how hungry the American people were for this message of unity. Despite the temptation to view my candidacy through a purely racial lens, we won commanding victories in states with some of the whitest populations in the country. In South Carolina, where the Confederate Flag still flies, we built a powerful coalition of African Americans and white Americans.

This is not to say that race has not been an issue in the campaign. At various stages in the campaign, some commentators have deemed me either "too black" or "not black enough." We saw racial tensions bubble to the surface during the week before the South Carolina primary. The press has scoured every exit poll for the latest evidence of racial polarization, not just in terms of white and black, but black and brown as well.

And yet, it has only been in the last couple of weeks that the discussion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly divisive turn.

On one end of the spectrum, we've heard the implication that my candidacy is somehow an exercise in affirmative action; that it's based solely on the desire of wide-eyed liberals to purchase racial reconciliation on the cheap. On the other end, we've heard my former pastor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, use incendiary language to express views that have the potential not only to widen the racial divide, but views that denigrate both the greatness and the goodness of our nation; that rightly offend white and black alike.

I have already condemned, in unequivocal terms, the statements of Reverend Wright that have caused such controversy. For some, nagging questions remain. Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic of American domestic and foreign policy? Of course. Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in church? Yes. Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views? Absolutely - just as I'm sure many of you have heard remarks from your pastors, priests, or rabbis with which you strongly disagreed.

But the remarks that have caused this recent firestorm weren't simply controversial. They weren't simply a religious leader's effort to speak out against perceived injustice. Instead, they expressed a profoundly distorted view of this country - a view that sees white racism as endemic, and that elevates what is wrong with America above all that we know is right with America; a view that sees the conflicts in the Middle East as rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart allies like Israel, instead of emanating from the perverse and hateful ideologies of radical Islam.

As such, Reverend Wright's comments were not only wrong but divisive, divisive at a time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems - two wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic health care crisis and potentially devastating climate change; problems that are neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that confront us all.

Given my background, my politics, and my professed values and ideals, there will no doubt be those for whom my statements of condemnation are not enough. Why associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first place, they may ask? Why not join another church? And I confess that if all that I knew of Reverend Wright were the snippets of those sermons that have run in an endless loop on the television and You Tube, or if Trinity United Church of Christ conformed to the caricatures being peddled by some commentators, there is no doubt that I would react in much the same way

But the truth is, that isn't all that I know of the man. The man I met more than twenty years ago is a man who helped introduce me to my Christian faith, a man who spoke to me about our obligations to love one another; to care for the sick and lift up the poor. He is a man who served his country as a U.S. Marine; who has studied and lectured at some of the finest universities and seminaries in the country, and who for over thirty years led a church that serves the community by doing God's work here on Earth - by housing the homeless, ministering to the needy, providing day care services and scholarships and prison ministries, and reaching out to those suffering from HIV/AIDS.

In my first book, Dreams From My Father, I described the experience of my first service at Trinity:

"People began to shout, to rise from their seats and clap and cry out, a forceful wind carrying the reverend's voice up into the rafters....And in that single note - hope! - I heard something else; at the foot of that cross, inside the thousands of churches across the city, I imagined the stories of ordinary black people merging with the stories of David and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians in the lion's den, Ezekiel's field of dry bones. Those stories - of survival, and freedom, and hope - became our story, my story; the blood that had spilled was our blood, the tears our tears; until this black church, on this bright day, seemed once more a vessel carrying the story of a people into future generations and into a larger world. Our trials and triumphs became at once unique and universal, black and more than black; in chronicling our journey, the stories and songs gave us a means to reclaim memories that we didn't need to feel shame about...memories that all people might study and cherish - and with which we could start to rebuild."

That has been my experience at Trinity. Like other predominantly black churches across the country, Trinity embodies the black community in its entirety - the doctor and the welfare mom, the model student and the former gang-banger. Like other black churches, Trinity's services are full of raucous laughter and sometimes bawdy humor. They are full of dancing, clapping, screaming and shouting that may seem jarring to the untrained ear. The church contains in full the kindness and cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the shocking ignorance, the struggles and successes, the love and yes, the bitterness and bias that make up the black experience in America.

And this helps explain, perhaps, my relationship with Reverend Wright. As imperfect as he may be, he has been like family to me. He strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my children. Not once in my conversations with him have I heard him talk about any ethnic group in derogatory terms, or treat whites with whom he interacted with anything but courtesy and respect. He contains within him the contradictions - the good and the bad - of the community that he has served diligently for so many years.

I can no more disown him than I can disown the black community. I can no more disown him than I can my white grandmother - a woman who helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed again and again for me, a woman who loves me as much as she loves anything in this world, but a woman who once confessed her fear of black men who passed by her on the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe.

These people are a part of me. And they are a part of America, this country that I love.

Some will see this as an attempt to justify or excuse comments that are simply inexcusable. I can assure you it is not. I suppose the politically safe thing would be to move on from this episode and just hope that it fades into the woodwork. We can dismiss Reverend Wright as a crank or a demagogue, just as some have dismissed Geraldine Ferraro, in the aftermath of her recent statements, as harboring some deep-seated racial bias.

But race is an issue that I believe this nation cannot afford to ignore right now. We would be making the same mistake that Reverend Wright made in his offending sermons about America - to simplify and stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality.

The fact is that the comments that have been made and the issues that have surfaced over the last few weeks reflect the complexities of race in this country that we've never really worked through - a part of our union that we have yet to perfect. And if we walk away now, if we simply retreat into our respective corners, we will never be able to come together and solve challenges like health care, or education, or the need to find good jobs for every American.

Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived at this point. As William Faulkner once wrote, "The past isn't dead and buried. In fact, it isn't even past." We do not need to recite here the history of racial injustice in this country. But we do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the African-American community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim Crow.

Segregated schools were, and are, inferior schools; we still haven't fixed them, fifty years after Brown v. Board of Education, and the inferior education they provided, then and now, helps explain the pervasive achievement gap between today's black and white students.

Legalized discrimination - where blacks were prevented, often through violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to African-American business owners, or black homeowners could not access FHA mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions, or the police force, or fire departments - meant that black families could not amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations. That history helps explain the wealth and income gap between black and white, and the concentrated pockets of poverty that persists in so many of today's urban and rural communities.

A lack of economic opportunity among black men, and the shame and frustration that came from not being able to provide for one's family, contributed to the erosion of black families - a problem that welfare policies for many years may have worsened. And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods - parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up and building code enforcement - all helped create a cycle of violence, blight and neglect that continue to haunt us.

This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his generation grew up. They came of age in the late fifties and early sixties, a time when segregation was still the law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted. What's remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but rather how many men and women overcame the odds; how many were able to make a way out of no way for those like me who would come after them.

But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of the American Dream, there were many who didn't make it - those who were ultimately defeated, in one way or another, by discrimination. That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations - those young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on street corners or languishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for the future. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race, and racism, continue to define their worldview in fundamental ways. For the men and women of Reverend Wright's generation, the memories of humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away; nor has the anger and the bitterness of those years. That anger may not get expressed in public, in front of white co-workers or white friends. But it does find voice in the barbershop or around the kitchen table. At times, that anger is exploited by politicians, to gin up votes along racial lines, or to make up for a politician's own failings.

And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in the pulpit and in the pews. The fact that so many people are surprised to hear that anger in some of Reverend Wright's sermons simply reminds us of the old truism that the most segregated hour in American life occurs on Sunday morning. That anger is not always productive; indeed, all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems; it keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity in our condition, and prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances it needs to bring about real change. But the anger is real; it is powerful; and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without understanding its roots, only serves to widen the chasm of misunderstanding that exists between the races.

In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the white community. Most working- and middle-class white Americans don't feel that they have been particularly privileged by their race. Their experience is the immigrant experience - as far as they're concerned, no one's handed them anything, they've built it from scratch. They've worked hard all their lives, many times only to see their jobs shipped overseas or their pension dumped after a lifetime of labor. They are anxious about their futures, and feel their dreams slipping away; in an era of stagnant wages and global competition, opportunity comes to be seen as a zero sum game, in which your dreams come at my expense. So when they are told to bus their children to a school across town; when they hear that an African American is getting an advantage in landing a good job or a spot in a good college because of an injustice that they themselves never committed; when they're told that their fears about crime in urban neighborhoods are somehow prejudiced, resentment builds over time.

Like the anger within the black community, these resentments aren't always expressed in polite company. But they have helped shape the political landscape for at least a generation. Anger over welfare and affirmative action helped forge the Reagan Coalition. Politicians routinely exploited fears of crime for their own electoral ends. Talk show hosts and conservative commentators built entire careers unmasking bogus claims of racism while dismissing legitimate discussions of racial injustice and inequality as mere political correctness or reverse racism.

Just as black anger often proved counterproductive, so have these white resentments distracted attention from the real culprits of the middle class squeeze - a corporate culture rife with inside dealing, questionable accounting practices, and short-term greed; a Washington dominated by lobbyists and special interests; economic policies that favor the few over the many. And yet, to wish away the resentments of white Americans, to label them as misguided or even racist, without recognizing they are grounded in legitimate concerns - this too widens the racial divide, and blocks the path to understanding.

This is where we are right now. It's a racial stalemate we've been stuck in for years. Contrary to the claims of some of my critics, black and white, I have never been so naïve as to believe that we can get beyond our racial divisions in a single election cycle, or with a single candidacy - particularly a candidacy as imperfect as my own.

But I have asserted a firm conviction - a conviction rooted in my faith in God and my faith in the American people - that working together we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds, and that in fact we have no choice is we are to continue on the path of a more perfect union.

For the African-American community, that path means embracing the burdens of our past without becoming victims of our past. It means continuing to insist on a full measure of justice in every aspect of American life. But it also means binding our particular grievances - for better health care, and better schools, and better jobs - to the larger aspirations of all Americans -- the white woman struggling to break the glass ceiling, the white man whose been laid off, the immigrant trying to feed his family. And it means taking full responsibility for own lives - by demanding more from our fathers, and spending more time with our children, and reading to them, and teaching them that while they may face challenges and discrimination in their own lives, they must never succumb to despair or cynicism; they must always believe that they can write their own destiny.

Ironically, this quintessentially American - and yes, conservative - notion of self-help found frequent expression in Reverend Wright's sermons. But what my former pastor too often failed to understand is that embarking on a program of self-help also requires a belief that society can change.

The profound mistake of Reverend Wright's sermons is not that he spoke about racism in our society. It's that he spoke as if our society was static; as if no progress has been made; as if this country - a country that has made it possible for one of his own members to run for the highest office in the land and build a coalition of white and black; Latino and Asian, rich and poor, young and old -- is still irrevocably bound to a tragic past. But what we know -- what we have seen - is that America can change. That is true genius of this nation. What we have already achieved gives us hope - the audacity to hope - for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.

In the white community, the path to a more perfect union means acknowledging that what ails the African-American community does not just exist in the minds of black people; that the legacy of discrimination - and current incidents of discrimination, while less overt than in the past - are real and must be addressed. Not just with words, but with deeds - by investing in our schools and our communities; by enforcing our civil rights laws and ensuring fairness in our criminal justice system; by providing this generation with ladders of opportunity that were unavailable for previous generations. It requires all Americans to realize that your dreams do not have to come at the expense of my dreams; that investing in the health, welfare, and education of black and brown and white children will ultimately help all of America prosper.

In the end, then, what is called for is nothing more, and nothing less, than what all the world's great religions demand - that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. Let us be our brother's keeper, Scripture tells us. Let us be our sister's keeper. Let us find that common stake we all have in one another, and let our politics reflect that spirit as well.

For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that breeds division, and conflict, and cynicism. We can tackle race only as spectacle - as we did in the OJ trial - or in the wake of tragedy, as we did in the aftermath of Katrina - or as fodder for the nightly news. We can play Reverend Wright's sermons on every channel, every day and talk about them from now until the election, and make the only question in this campaign whether or not the American people think that I somehow believe or sympathize with his most offensive words. We can pounce on some gaffe by a Hillary supporter as evidence that she's playing the race card, or we can speculate on whether white men will all flock to John McCain in the general election regardless of his policies.

We can do that.

But if we do, I can tell you that in the next election, we'll be talking about some other distraction. And then another one. And then another one. And nothing will change.

That is one option. Or, at this moment, in this election, we can come together and say, "Not this time." This time we want to talk about the crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and white children and Asian children and Hispanic children and Native American children. This time we want to reject the cynicism that tells us that these kids can't learn; that those kids who don't look like us are somebody else's problem. The children of America are not those kids, they are our kids, and we will not let them fall behind in a 21st century economy. Not this time.

This time we want to talk about how the lines in the Emergency Room are filled with whites and blacks and Hispanics who do not have health care; who don't have the power on their own to overcome the special interests in Washington, but who can take them on if we do it together.

This time we want to talk about the shuttered mills that once provided a decent life for men and women of every race, and the homes for sale that once belonged to Americans from every religion, every region, every walk of life. This time we want to talk about the fact that the real problem is not that someone who doesn't look like you might take your job; it's that the corporation you work for will ship it overseas for nothing more than a profit.

This time we want to talk about the men and women of every color and creed who serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under the same proud flag. We want to talk about how to bring them home from a war that never should've been authorized and never should've been waged, and we want to talk about how we'll show our patriotism by caring for them, and their families, and giving them the benefits they have earned.

I would not be running for President if I didn't believe with all my heart that this is what the vast majority of Americans want for this country. This union may never be perfect, but generation after generation has shown that it can always be perfected. And today, whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this possibility, what gives me the most hope is the next generation - the young people whose attitudes and beliefs and openness to change have already made history in this election.

There is one story in particularly that I'd like to leave you with today - a story I told when I had the great honor of speaking on Dr. King's birthday at his home church, Ebenezer Baptist, in Atlanta.

There is a young, twenty-three year old white woman named Ashley Baia who organized for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina. She had been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the beginning of this campaign, and one day she was at a roundtable discussion where everyone went around telling their story and why they were there.

And Ashley said that when she was nine years old, her mother got cancer. And because she had to miss days of work, she was let go and lost her health care. They had to file for bankruptcy, and that's when Ashley decided that she had to do something to help her mom.

She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard and relish sandwiches. Because that was the cheapest way to eat.

She did this for a year until her mom got better, and she told everyone at the roundtable that the reason she joined our campaign was so that she could help the millions of other children in the country who want and need to help their parents too.

Now Ashley might have made a different choice. Perhaps somebody told her along the way that the source of her mother's problems were blacks who were on welfare and too lazy to work, or Hispanics who were coming into the country illegally. But she didn't. She sought out allies in her fight against injustice.

Anyway, Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and asks everyone else why they're supporting the campaign. They all have different stories and reasons. Many bring up a specific issue. And finally they come to this elderly black man who's been sitting there quietly the entire time. And Ashley asks him why he's there. And he does not bring up a specific issue. He does not say health care or the economy. He does not say education or the war. He does not say that he was there because of Barack Obama. He simply says to everyone in the room, "I am here because of Ashley."

"I'm here because of Ashley." By itself, that single moment of recognition between that young white girl and that old black man is not enough. It is not enough to give health care to the sick, or jobs to the jobless, or education to our children.

But it is where we start. It is where our union grows stronger. And as so many generations have come to realize over the course of the two-hundred and twenty one years since a band of patriots signed that document in Philadelphia, that is where the perfection begins.

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2008/03/18/obama-race-speech-read-t_n_92077.html

KB국민은행연구소는 12월 17일 주택시장 전반을 분석한 계간지인 『주택시장리뷰』를 창간·발행하였습니다. 『주택시장리뷰』는 주택매매시장, 주택수급, 주택금융 등 주택과 관련된 주요 사항들을 수도권, 5개 광역시(인천제외), 수도권 및 5개 광역시를 제외한 기타지방(이하 기타지방) 등 지역별로 나누어 상세하게 분석하였습니다.
 
이곳으로 가시면 원본 게시물이 있습니다.

이번달 주식투자하고 계신분들은 참 가슴아픈 나날을 보냈을 것입니다. 지난주 금요일 대폭락장에 대부분의 매체는 세계경기의 위기에 관한 기사를 쏟아내면서 비관적인 전망을 했습니다.
"상승추세 무너지나..."

그런데 오늘 반대로 사상2번째에 버금가는 대폭등을 하자마자 나온 뉴스헤드라인이 이렇습니다.
"지수바닥확인.... 연말 2000 안착기대", "중국시장 아직 반절도 안올라..."

매일 느끼는 것이지만 시장에 따라 이리 움직이고 저리 움직이는 뉴스가 주식관련 뉴스입니다. 뉴스가 주가를 반영하는지 주가가 뉴스를 반영하는지 모르겠군요.

저는 2000년도부터 개별 주식을 매매해왔습니다. 프로젝트때문에 우연히 접한 HTS때문에 호기심으로 시작한 주식이 장기 투자수단이 되어버렸죠. 큰 돈은 아니었지만 손실매매 해본적은 거의 없네요. 그런데 저의 일 특성상 일중에 매매를 할 수 없고 출장도 잦아 시장에 바로바로 대응하기가 어렵습니다.

그래서 국내 인덱스펀드, 브릭스 인덱스펀드, 가치주펀드 3가지를 매월 적립식으로 투자하고 있습니다. 물론 묻지마식으로 고르진 않았구요. 펀드의 성격을 스스로 이해할때가지 자료를 찾아보고 공부하며 골랐습니다.

하지만 아무리 좋은 펀드라고 어자피 개별주식이 모여 이루어진 펀드이기 때문에 하락장에서는 같이 떨어지기 마련입니다.

제가 말씀드리려고 하는 것이 이 하락장에서의 느낌이 개별주식을 보유하고 있을 때와 펀드를 보유하고 있을 때와 큰 차이가 있더라는 것입니다. 개별주식 매매을 하였을때는 하루하루 주가의 등락에 신경이 쓰였습니다. 그렇지만 펀드는 처음부터 장기(저의 경우는 5년)를 목표로 세운탓인지 오히려 다른 사람들 걱정이 되더라는 것입니다.

모두들 "주식은 시간과의 싸움이다. 장기투자가 정석이다." 이렇게 말하곤 합니다. 우리가 장기투자를 하지 못하는 이유는 심리적 불안감을 이길 수 없기 때문입니다.

그려면 펀드도 같은 주식인데 왜 덜 불안할가요? 제가 최근 몇달 경험해본바에 의하면 몇가지 펀드의 특성이 있습니다. 물론 기본이상의 정상적인 펀드에 해달될테지만요. 저는 펀드를 고를때 충분히 그 성격을 이해하도록 공부하고 자료를 찾아봤습니다.

저의 펀드는 이렇습니다. 개별주식이 폭락할때 오히려 시장보다 덜 덜어지고 상승할때는 최소한 시장수익율이 나고 있습니다. 3달에 한번씩 운용보고서가 배달되는데 이 보고서를 읽어보아도 몇페이지를 장식하는 우량주 목록들이 저의 마음이 놓이게 합니다.

가장 중요한 것은 5년후라는 1차 환매시점을 설정해놓았습니다. 아무리 시장이 난리를 쳐도 5년안에는 계속 적립만 할 생각이고 그 전에는 환매를 고려하지 않고 있습니다. 5년후에 시장을 본 후 또 다시 5년을 투자할 생각입니다.

이렇게 되면 총 10년까지 투자해야 하는 경우가 있을텐데 저는 감상할 수 있는 만큼 투자금액으로 설정하였고, 장기적금이나 예금, 주택마련 적/예금 대신에 적립식 펀드를 선택한 것이기 때문에 무리는 되지 않습니다. 적립식펀드를 하면서 자산과 투자의 개념이 새로 생기고 있습니다. 전에는 메꾸기 바빳던 통장잔고도 현금이 차곡차곡 쌓이고 있습니다. 물론 제가 월급장이인 관계로 월급이상 쌓이진 않죠.

제가 이 글을 쓰는 이유는 불가능하리에 가까운 개별주식으로 수익을 바라는 것보다 편드에 투자하는 것이 개인으로서는 매우 편하다는 것입니다. 어디까지나 제 경우이므로 편하신쪽을 선택하면 됩니다. 그런데 이것만은 사실입니다. 펀드가 정신건강에 좋습니다.

다음번에는 제가 펀드를 선택의 기준으로 삼았던 지표들을 설명해드리겠습니다. 모두들 성공적인 투자가 되세요.

얼마전 기사를 보니 구글 애드센스 수익 창출에 전념하기 위하여 회사를 그만둔다는 모 블로거의 기사를 봤습니다. 타인의 결정에 이래라 저래라 하려고 하는것은 아니라 사업을 시작한 후에는 생각했던 것 보다 많은 변수들이 있다는 것을 말하고 싶어서입니다.

저도 혈기 왕성할 20대 친구들과 여러가지를 시도하여 실패도 해보고 성공도 해봤습니다. 하지만 무엇이든지 사업을 시작할때는 몇가지 사항을 체크해 봐야 합니다.

- 현재 시장성이 성숙해 있는가!
- 미래 발전가능성은 있는가!
- 경쟁자는 누구인가!
- 내가 부담(또는 투자규모)해야 하는 것은 무엇인가!
- 생각과 달리 않좋은 쪽으로 상황이 흐를때 내가 통제할 수 있는가!

저의 경험으로 보아 위에 있는 것중 하나라도 확실하지 않으면 그 일은 벌이지 않는 것이 좋습니다. 특히 제일 중요한 부분은 않좋은 쪽으로 상황이 흐를때 내가 통제 할 수 있는가입니다.

애드센스는 우리나라 기업도 아닌 미국의 기업이 서비스하는 수익모델입니다. 또한 그 수익모델과 약관은 광고게시자들과 협의를 하는 것이 아니고 구글과 광고주들의 이익을 위하여 일방적으로 변경됩니다. 최악의 경우는 우리나라에서 애드센스 사업자체를 철수 할 수도 있다는 것이죠. 수많은 광고모델을 가진 기업들이 그래왔습니다.

그 다음으로 중요한 것은 내가 부담해야 할것이 무엇인지 따지는 것입니다. 여기서 부담해야할 대상이 인터넷 회선 증설, 컴퓨터구매, 전기세지불 등 현물뿐아니라 그동안 다니던 회사를 그만둠으로써 고스란히 자신이 부담해야할 의료보험, 국민연금 등 기업부담금을 포함한 기회비용 상실입니다. 회사를 다니는 동안에는 의료보험, 국민연금의 50%는 기업에서 부담하고 퇴직금이 있는 것은 모두 아실 것입니다. 퇴직금이 연봉에 포함되어있었다구요? 그건 아닙니다.

퇴직금을 연봉에 포함하는 것은 불법임니다 제가 쓴 아래 글을 읽어보시면 됩니다.

2007/08/27 - [경제적 자유/재테크] - 퇴직금을 연봉에 포함하여 지급하는 것은 불법입니다.
2007/08/28 - [[부록 1] 원더풀 팁!] - 임금체불 노동청에 신청하고 체불임금확인서로 소송하는 절차

살짝 이야기가 옆으로 흘렀습니다.

다음은 세번째로 중요한 사항 입니다. 경쟁자는 누구인가
경쟁자를 파악하는 것은 시장성을 파악하는 것과 같은 맥락입니다. 시장성과 경쟁자는 상황에 따라 적군일 수도 있고 아군일 수도 있는데 취약한 컨텐츠로 사업을 하기에는 우리나라의 인구, 면적이 무척 적다는 것입니다. 한국안에서 한국어 블로그를 운영하면서는 혼자 먹고 살기빠듯하고 매일매일 구글의 정책변동이 주가변동 이상으로 스트레스를 주게 될것 입니다.

끝으로 애드센스의 블로거의 이야기는 아니지만 제 주변에서 발생한 비슷한 상황을 이야기 해보겠습니다.

직장생활을 하다보면 특히 기술직들중에 혼자 일하면 더 많이 벌것 같아서 퇴사한 후 개인사업자로 일하는 분들이 종종 있죠. 그분의 기술은 국내에 독점적이기도하고 경쟁자도 적고 최근에 관련분야가 발전하고 있었죠. 하지만 직장생활하고 개인사업하고는 엄연히 개념이 틀리다는 것입니다.

개인사업자로 혼자 일을 하다보니 모든 세금 혼자 내야하죠~ 건강보험, 연금 100% 본인부담이죠. 금융기관에서 신용은 최하위 등급이라 남들 다 받는 대출도 못받아 아파트 청약도 못하죠. 결국은 부담은 커지도 수익은 줄고, 줄어든 수익을 메꾸기 위하여 직장보다 더 힘든 중노동을 해야 합니다. 더 많은 일을 해야해서 아르바이트나 소수의 종업원이라도 고용해야하며 이순간 근로기준법의 족쇠에 물려 더 많은 관리 비용이 지출되게 됩니다. 낮에는 일을하고 저녁에는 부업(대리운전, 편의점 알바 등)해야하는 상황이 벌어지는대도 남의눈치 안보고 혼자 일해서 좋다는 말하는 사람 없습니다.

애드센스때문에 퇴직한 후 수익을 보충하려고 책쓰고, 강의 나가고 얼마나 오래 갈지 희망사항과 현실을 냉정하게 생각해봤으면 합니다.

일부는 전업블로거로 전향하셔서 성공한 분들도 계실텐데 부정적인 견해만 피력해서 죄송합니다. 단지, 몇가지만 더 구체적으로 생각하고 전업블로거의 길을 선택했으면 하는 바램으로 저와 주변의 경험을 적었습니다.

몇주전 미래에셋에서 판매하기 시작한 인사이트펀드가 3조 5천억을 넘어섰다. 분류는 이론적으로 안정적인 혼합형이지만 다른 혼합형 펀드와는 매우 차이가 크다. 이 펀드의 특징은 전통적인 펀드의 개념을 뒤집어 돈이되는 투자대상은 가리지 않겠다는 것이다.

기존 펀드의 특징은
1. 투자대상과 사상이 명확할 것
2. 편드의 운용전략이 단순할 것
3. 추종하는 벤치마크가 있을 것
등이다.

운용에 따라 묻지마 펀드가 될 수도 있고 선진형 펀드 운용모델이 될 수도 있는 천국과 지옥의 중간쯤에 있는 성격이다. 이 펀드는 타 펀드에 비하여 운용보수도 높고 투자자 입장에서 펀드의 투자처를 즉시 파악하기 어렵다는 점이다.

지금 물펀드, 중국펀드에 몰빵하여 가슴아픈분들 많이 있겠지만 이것만은 기억하자. 변하지 않는 투자의 정석은 자산의 배분이라는 것이다. 아무리 좋은 펀드라도 그 자체는 원금 손실이 가능한 위험자산이라는 것이다. 인사이트펀드가 성적표를 보여주기 까지는, 그리고 나의 투자금을 환매하기 까지는 이것의 평가를 미루는 것이 맘편한 선택인 것 같다.